The entire country is focused on Anura(Rata Anurata), the current theme in Sri Lankan society. Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been appointed President, and the National People’s Power, led by him, has gained a majority in Parliament.
Anura Kumara Dissanayake became the ninth Executive President after serving for one month and twenty-three days. A second vote count was conducted since no candidate achieved more than 50% of the votes in the presidential election. Following this second count, Anura Kumara Dissanayake received 5,740,179 votes.
Although Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected President under the National People’s Power, his primary affiliation remains with the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (People’s Liberation Front). This party has successfully gained power in Sri Lanka, which is nearing its 60th anniversary of establishment.
This chapter in the journey is truly unique. The Janata Vimukthi Peramuna can be seen as a party that has initiated numerous revolutions in Sri Lankan politics. Their path has not been easy; they experienced several defeats and faced countless humiliations before achieving victory. Nevertheless, they remained resilient throughout these challenges, which many did not anticipate.
Historical Discussion of Vesak Day
On May 14, 1965, Vesak Day, an important discussion occurred at a labourer’s house in Akmeemana, Galle. This conversation marked the beginning of a significant journey. If that discussion had not occurred, we would not be talking about Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, or the National People’s Power today.
A new revolutionary movement began following a discussion led by a youth group. This important conversation was spearheaded by 22-year-old Rohana Wijeweera, who played a key role in the gathering. Six others joined him for this critical discussion: Wijesena Vitharana, H. Milton, Wilson Ketagama, W.T. Karunaratne, Delgoda Raja, and Siripala Abeygunawardena.
The early 1960s was a significant period for discussions about world politics. One notable issue during this time was the escalating conflict between China and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union appeared to be moving away from strict Marxist principles. Following the Russian Revolution, a political system diverged from traditional Marxism, adopting a socialist framework.
The Communist Party of Sri Lanka, which was in contact with the Russian Socialist Party, split into two factions during that time: the Russian Communist Party and the Chinese Communist Party. Rohana Wijeweera, while leaning towards left-wing politics, also strongly criticized the Russian system at that time.
Wijeweera, who suddenly returned to the motherland
Wijeweera, studying medicine at Lulumba University in Russia, suddenly returned to Sri Lanka due to health issues. He was searching for a political path and seized the opportunity to join the Chinese Communist Party. However, the true motivations underlying his subconscious mind remained unknown to others. Wijeweera collaborated with the Chinese Communist Party, hoping to initiate a different political movement. Before long, he abandoned his aspiration to return to Russia and his dream of becoming a doctor, focusing entirely on his new goal.
A new political movement has emerged
On Vesak Day at Akmeemana, a significant discussion took place. This meeting fulfilled Wijeweera’s goals and transformed Sri Lankan politics into a revolutionary landscape. It marked the beginning of the ‘People’s Liberation Front.’
Several young individuals, including Rohana Wijeweera, established the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna as a revolutionary party representing the working class. They advanced their struggle by focusing on themes that opposed imperialism, capitalism, and opportunism. As the movement gained momentum, the capitalist class grew increasingly fearful of its impact. Consequently, Wijeweera and his team faced severe repression.
The followers of Che Guevara and the capitalist class.
Facing the daily pressures of capitalism, they often had to hide their political activities. Poor farmers’ homes served as meeting places for their gatherings. Additionally, they dealt with negative social perceptions, as they were labelled as “followers of Che Guevara.” In this challenging environment, Wijeweera worked tirelessly to instil confidence in the JVP’s governance. The leaders of the JVP also made efforts to personally inform workers and farmers about their programs, hoping to change the negative opinions held about them.
However, the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna emerged as a party of the people. A young leader, wearing a hat with a star, walked among the people making announcements. Many people tried to identify him.
There was a perception that Rohana Wijeweera was a follower of Che Guevara, a hero of the Cuban revolution. Subsequently, capitalists employed various tactics to undermine them by labelling them as ‘Jeppo’.
In the late 1970s, the Samagi Peramuna government focused on the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna and established a unique program to identify young individuals involved in revolutionary groups. This initiative was named the “Che Guevara Bureau.” By August 1970, the government had arranged to suppress the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna. The motivation behind this operation carried out under the law, was intelligence reports indicating that the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna was preparing for an armed struggle.
The struggle started during the long queues.
A situation reminiscent of the long queues seen during the previous Gotabhaya Rajapaksa government also emerged in 1971. This was primarily due to the closed economic policies implemented by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s administration. At that time, strict restrictions were imposed on essential items such as rice, cloth, bread, and petroleum. As a result, each person waiting in line was allowed to receive only a quarter of a loaf of bread.
In this era, people stood in long lines for kilometres in front of cooperatives, holding rice ration books. Despite their efforts, they could only obtain two pounds of rice at a time. Police operations were conducted to prevent people from transporting rice to other areas. Additionally, affixing a 25-cent stamp to medicine coupons to purchase medicine from government hospitals was mandatory. The atmosphere during this period was oppressive, causing discomfort among elders and the youth. In this challenging environment, many young people gravitated towards the JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna). Against this backdrop, Victor Ivan and others, who gained popularity as part of the fringes of the People’s Liberation Front, initiated the ’71 Rebellion, aiming to seize power in the country through their actions.
Ruined everything with a misleading plan
April 5, 1971, was a crucial day for the country. The JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) had initially planned to attack police stations across the island simultaneously early that morning in an attempt to seize power. However, the movement’s leaders suddenly decided to change their strategy and carry out the attacks that night instead. When this plan was implemented, Rohana Wijeweera, the movement’s leader, was incarcerated in Jaffna Jail. He had been arrested in March 1971 and subsequently sent to Jaffna Jail. Notably, the 1971 rebellion began while he was in prison, and there were expectations that Wijeweera would soon be released.
The plan to attack the police stations ultimately failed, primarily due to poor communication. At that time, efficient communication methods were lacking, which made it challenging to implement plans using the available emergency communication systems. The decision to carry out the attacks on the police stations in the early morning was abruptly changed to a night operation, but this change was not effectively communicated to everyone involved. As a result, one group attacked the police in the morning while another did so at night. This disorganisation led to the attack’s failure and prompted the security forces to arrest many suspects.
Due to overcrowding in prisons, universities were designated to accommodate the detainees. Sri Jayawardenepura and Kelaniya Universities were converted into makeshift prison cells. A significant number of revolutionaries lost their lives due to the severe crackdown initiated by the security forces. Additionally, the government’s security forces took measures to incinerate the deceased without conducting autopsies, following directives from the government.
It is essential to recognise that struggles do not result from individual caprices. Even though this particular struggle failed, its impact was profound. It can be seen as a manifestation of the oppressive political climate in the country at that time. In 1976, the Sirimavo Bandaranaike government repealed the emergency laws imposed since 1971, highlighting the lengths to which those in power went to maintain their control through such regulations for an extended period.
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna is back to active politics
The ban imposed by the Sirima government on the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna was eventually lifted. Following this, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna transformed into a legitimate political movement and fielded representatives in the country’s first presidential election in 1982 and the district assembly elections in 1981. The party also engaged the public by organising rallies nationwide to encourage voter participation. After the failure of its first armed struggle in 1971, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna recognized the importance of working within the legal framework and nominated its leader, Rohana Wijeweera, for the 1982 presidential election. This was indeed a significant milestone for the party.
J.R. Jayewardena, representing the United National Party, won the election with the majority of votes. R. Jayawardena was the victor, while Hector Kobbekaduwa, representing the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, came in second. Colvin R. Dasilva from the Ceylon Sama Samaja Party, Vasudeva Nanayakkara from the New Sama Samaja Party, and Kumar Ponnambalam from the Tamil Congress also contested the presidential election. The election was marked by unrest, with many acts of violence reported. Despite facing oppressive and repressive conditions, Wijeweera garnered 273,428 votes, securing third place.
Janata Vimukthi Peramuna banned
In 1983, a severe situation known as Black July unfolded, marked by intensified ethnic conflicts. In response, President J.R. Jayawardena issued a special gazette notice banning several left-wing parties, including the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, and the New Samasamaja Party. There were strong allegations that the JVP had connections with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), along with claims of arms deals between the two groups.
While some of the banned parties were reinstated within a few months, the JVP remained on the ban despite its members gaining the right to vote. Rohana Wijeweera, the leader of the JVP, had to go into hiding. Instead of surrendering to the government as ordered, he led the political movement from concealment. This situation helped create the backdrop for a second rebellion.
1988/89 riots
The period of 1988-1989 was marked by significant upheaval in Sri Lanka. A second youth armed struggle emerged, with the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna opposing the then-ruling United National Party government. This period, often called the “1988 terror season,” remains a topic of intense debate in political discussions today. As seen in the 2024 presidential election, the events from that time continue to influence the political landscape.
In 1987, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and former Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayawardene signed the Indo-Lanka Agreement. This agreement was signed against a vigorous campaign by the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna, which opposed what they saw as Indian expansionism, leading to significant political upheaval.
The Government of India introduced a concept of decentralisation, which resulted in the establishment of provincial councils. Indian troops were deployed to Sri Lanka during this period. The Janata Vimukthi Peramuna actively opposed both Indian involvement and the establishment of provincial councils, as well as the rule of the United National Party (UNP). This opposition organisation implemented a wide-ranging publicity campaign to promote its stance. Ultimately, however, these tensions led to another rebellion in the country.
The Rebellion that arose in response to oppression, terror, injustice, and Indian expansionism transformed into a movement where the youth took up arms. These young patriots accused the government of betrayal. Thousands of young people sacrificed their lives during the Rebellion, and the number of missing persons is significant as well. However, there are no accurate statistics available for these individuals.
Death to 60,000 youths
Despite the prohibition on May Day celebrations, anti-government movements organized events at Narahenpita under the banner of the Patriotic People’s Movement. However, police violently attacked the protest march, resulting in the deaths of Kitsirimevan Ranawaka, a student at the University of Sri Jayawardenepura, and Ananda Lal, a labourer. In the aftermath, approximately 60,000 young men and women were killed during the “1988/89 Season of Terror.” Many were sent to concentration camps, while others disappeared without a trace, and their fates remain unknown.
In 1989, there were discussions about an individual hiding in a tea estate in the Ulapane area, using the alias Attanayake. This person was, in fact, Rohana Wijeweera. After confirming his identity, security forces raided the house and arrested him. On November 13, 1989, Rohana Wijeweera, the founder of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, was killed. To this day, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna asserts that their revolutionary leader was a victim of state terrorism. However, the exact circumstances surrounding his death remain a mystery.
Wijeweera’s death shook the country
There are varying opinions about the circumstances surrounding Rohana Wijeweera’s death. One opinion suggests that he was shot dead in a shootout between the police and supporters of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), with claims that an armed group attempted to rescue him during the incident. However, the more widely accepted belief is that Wijeweera was arrested, severely interrogated, tortured, and ultimately shot dead in Borella Cemetery. Some members of the JVP assert that he was killed by being burned alive.
Wijeweera, who dedicated his youth to fighting for people’s liberation, tragically died at the age of 46. Despite this, no one could dismantle the strong foundation he established within the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna.
The new era of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna
Following Wijeweera’s death, the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) gradually began to show a growing inclination towards nationalism. By the year 2000, the party shifted its course. Somawansa Amarasinghe, who succeeded Wijeweera as the leader of the JVP, implemented various measures aimed at the party’s advancement. However, he was known to be a headstrong leader. Consequently, a significant event during his leadership was the split within the party, which resulted in a faction breaking away to form a new party known as the Vanguard Party.
Somawansa Amarasinghe was imprisoned following the 1971 rebellion. He was released in 1990 and subsequently became the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leader with the party’s approval. Somawansa led the party until 2014, when Anura Kumara Dissanayake assumed leadership. Anura Kumara held substantial influence within the party, necessitating a secret vote for the leadership transition. He emerged victorious in the secret ballot, securing the majority of votes, and became the new leader of the JVP. Following his appointment, the JVP gained greater recognition in society. During the ten years from 2014 to 2024, the program he initiated proved strong enough to position him as a significant contender for national leadership.
Before the 2002 general election, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) prevented the collapse of the Public Front government led by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga. This marked the first time the JVP engaged in coalition politics. At that time, the JVP allied with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). The JVP contested the elections through this partnership and won 39 parliamentary seats. In the subsequent 2004 general election, Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected to Parliament, receiving the most votes from the Kurunegala district. He then served as the coalition government’s Minister of Agriculture, Lands, Irrigation, and Livestock.
Instead of the bell sign, the compass
The 2019 presidential election marked a critical moment for the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). Several organizations contributed to the formation of the National People’s Power (NPP), which, despite departing from the traditional red colour of the People’s Liberation Front and its iconic bell symbol, adopted a new symbol: the compass. Although they garnered attention for their organizational efforts, the National People’s Power did not win the 2019 presidential election or secure second place. Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who ran in the election, received 418,553 votes, translating to only 3%. This poor showing attracted ridicule, particularly from the Gotabhaya Rajapaksa faction, which celebrated their victory by mocking the NPP with references to its 3% support.
However, the NPP’s supporters were encouraged. Following the election, they began preparing for the next opportunity. On September 22, 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake received 5,740,179 votes, silencing his critics and securing the presidency amidst a chaotic political landscape. Many who had previously mocked the JVP in 2019 rallied around the compass symbol in this election. The victory was celebrated as a significant achievement, defying the doubts cast upon them.
The Janata Vimukthi Peramuna has proven to be a transformative force in the country’s political history, setting an example that cannot be dismissed.
Crop yield
The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has successfully reaped the rewards of its efforts during a challenging period marked by various forms of persecution. This party has demonstrated that lasting victory cannot be achieved in just one or two hours; instead, it requires perseverance and a long-term commitment to the goal. Once buried underground, the seed represented by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna has eventually grown into a tree that bears fruit. A key figure in this journey is Anura Kumara Dissanayake.
The people emphasized that the Parliamentary leaders, who have been a curse to the country for 76 years, must be removed. President Anura Dissanayake stated that this responsibility should be fulfilled through a general election. Shortly after he took office, he dissolved Parliament and urged the people to “remove that curse.” The public responded by lining up to vote. The general election to elect the representatives of the Tenth Parliament concluded on the 14th. Initially, the Compus sign was predicted to win approximately 70% of the votes.
Victory with a power of 2/3 of the Parliament
The National People’s Power won 6,863,186 votes and secured 159 seats in Parliament, making this prediction a reality. With a victory percentage of 61.56%, it is the most significant achievement in Sri Lankan political history. The National People’s Power even gained control of critical areas traditionally dominated by major political parties. Notably, this is the first time a party from the south has come to power in the north, reflecting a shift in the political landscape. The Tamil community in the north has shown trust in this new national power and has rejected the political parties representing the Tamil National Alliance and their candidates.
The country has united mainly behind this new movement, except Batticaloa, where the National People’s Power (NPP) did not secure a win. The Ilangei Thamil Arasu Kachchi party was the only one to achieve victory in that district. In every other district, the National People’s Power garnered significant support, with percentages exceeding 60%.
This general election marked the first time in Sri Lankan history that a single party secured more than two-thirds of the seats in Parliament. This significant victory presents a powerful opportunity to address and eliminate corruption, fraud, nepotism, and the corrupt politics that have long plagued the nation. It serves as a solid response to a question society has asked for years. This achievement is truly remarkable.
